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Saving Britain?


Saving Britain?

SINCE Brexit, political instability in the UK appears to be unending. Over the past decade, the country has had six prime ministers, yet the majority of the public remains despondent and views Britain as fractured. Now, Andy Burnham, the former mayor of Greater Manchester, has been appointed as the prime minister to help steer the country out of its current political turmoil with a complete reset of policies and governance. His pitch for the premiership is “good growth in every postcode and hope in every heart”.

Andy Burnham humorously earned the nickname the ‘King of the North’, inspired by Game of Thrones, for his efforts to defend Manchester communities during the Covid pandemic. He took steps to bring the city’s transport under local control and championed the devolution of power from Westminster and Whitehall to regional authorities. This strategy is often referred to as ‘Manchesterism’, and ‘Burnhamism’. While Manchester’s economy has been the UK’s fastest growing in recent years, some argue that this success is not entirely Burnham’s doing.

Deviating from the austerity policies pursued by successive governments over decades, Burnham, in his initial speeches, outlined his priorities rooted in the vision he calls “business-friendly socialism”. He has announced the largest council housing programme since World War II, ensuring public control of utilities, and reviving local democracy. He also committed to the “biggest devolution of power in modern times”, reindustrialisation, and governing equality across the country. Burnham plans to set up ‘Number 10 North’, modelled on 10 Downing Street in London. While he is praised for accurately diagnosing Britain’s long-standing issues, scepticism remains about how he can realise his vision while staying true to his ‘soft left’, pro-welfare political stance.

His detractors see gaps and paradoxes in what he stands for, what he intends to do, and the practical realities of running a government. They point out that Burnham aims to give working-class communities ‘breathing space’ and reduce the social welfare bill; he plans to build massive council housing without clearly explaining where the project’s funding will come from; he is keen to end 40 years of ‘neo-liberalism’ without disclosing his broader economic strategy. Burnham has repeatedly been reminded that being a prime minister is different from being a mayor and that he hasn’t got the mandate to do the job but rather is ‘crowned’ by the Labour Party without a contest to save it from oblivion.

Burnham’s charm will only work if he delivers.

It will also be crucial how Andy Burnham strikes a delicate balance on several issues, including immigration, Gaza and net-zero targets, to prevent Labour voters from defecting to other parties. Amid growing polarisation and anti-immigration sentiment, Burnham consistently emphasises unity in his speeches: “I am for us, for all of us”. While the new prime minister may avoid the immigration rhetoric used by his predecessor, Keir Starmer, he is expected to uphold Shabana Mehmood’s stricter border and immigration controls. He has apologised for Labour’s initial response to Gaza but faced criticism for not going far enough. How he articulates his government’s position on Gaza with political clarity and diplomatic responsibility will be a significant challenge. His support for new oil and gas drilling in the North Sea may contradict Labour’s commitment to net-zero emissions by 2050, indicating a possible policy reversal. He is also likely to encounter resistance to decentralisation and reindustrialisation efforts.

While these concerns and criticisms have some validity, it is also clear that the Labour Party sees a glimmer of hope in Andy Burnham, a last chance to save the party from decline and disintegration. Recently, the party’s support base has been shrinking rapidly, with the Reform Party on the right and Zack Polanski’s Greens and Independents on the left gaining traction. Due to his work in Manchester, Burnham is considered a potential bridge between working-class communities and the Labour Party.

He knows how to charm people on social media, perform authenticity effortlessly and connect directly with supporters. But this charm will only work if he actually delivers and turns the hope into something more tangible and material.

If Andy Burnham’s plan fails, the crisis could deepen for Labour and centre-left politics in the UK, with serious repercussions for European politics as well. It might strengthen far-right parties such as Reform, raising their prospects of gaining power and possibly triggering a ripple effect across Europe towards a similar trajectory.

The writer is a former BBC journalist and a PhD candidate at the School of Media and Communication, University of Leeds.

Published in Dawn, July 21st, 2026

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