Power and crisis


THE farcical situation appears to have gone too far — even for the comfort of the actors. The latest by-elections in Punjab and KP have further exposed the hollowness of the hybrid set-up. Predictably, the ruling PML-N has won almost all the national and provincial assembly seats in the virtually uncontested polls. This does not come as a surprise given the PTI’s boycott of the poll for seats that the party was forced to vacate following the disqualification of its members. After all, those seats were not snatched to be given back. The by-elections have been aptly described as an extension of the electoral manipulation seen in the 2024 general polls.
While the outcome of the by-elections on six National Assembly seats mostly from Punjab will help the PML-N consolidate its strength in parliament and reduce the opposition’s numbers in the House, it will not really change the power equation. The ruling coalition already had a two-thirds majority in parliament after depriving the PTI of reserved seats for women and minorities. The disqualification of some PTI lawmakers after a dubious trial had further reduced the opposition numbers.
The ruling alliance’s manipulated strength will not empower parliament whose credibility remains questionable. The real power remains with unelected forces whose domination has been further boosted through amendments to the Constitution. Parliament has virtually surrendered its powers.
There is now talk of another amendment that may completely alter the federal structure of the state. While the contours of the much-speculated 28th amendment are still under wraps, some ministers have hinted about the restructuring of the powers of the federating units. It is likely that the exercise for the 28th amendment will be expedited now that the by-elections are over. Most probably, like the previous amendments, the full text of the changes will only be made available to lawmakers at the last moment.
Any action through the proposed 28th amendment will further alienate the people.
In fact, any such move will be extremely damaging for the federation as the state already faces serious internal and external challenges. While the hybrid regime is preoccupied with accumulating further powers, the situation in KP and Balochistan is getting out of hand with the escalation of terrorist violence in both provinces. The attack on the FC headquarters in a high-security zone in Peshawar is yet another reminder of the gravity of internal security challenges. The attack claimed by a faction within the TTP shows the capacity of terrorist groups despite kinetic action by the security forces.
Notwithstanding the security forces’ claim of having killed hundreds of militants in intelligence-based operations, the violence hasn’t stopped. The writ of the state is practically non-existent in troubled KP districts. The suicide attack on the FC headquarters in the heart of the provincial capital demonstrates the inability of the security agencies to deal with the growing terrorist threat. This year, which has yet to end, is said to be the deadliest in a decade, having exacted a heavy toll on the security forces.
One of the reasons for the rising terrorist activities is the breakdown of civil law enforcement because of the constant confrontation between the PTI government in KP and the federal government. The conflict has heightened with Islamabad’s move to push the opposition to the wall. Differences between the KP government and the establishment over military operations in the province are also providing space to the terrorists.
The situation is probably worse in Balochistan where a separatist insurgency has gripped large parts of the province. There has been a marked escalation in terrorist attacks on security personnel and government installations this year despite the government’s claim of the situation being under control. State curbs on democratic and economic rights in the province are cited as a major reason for the alienation of much of the Baloch population, thus providing greater space to the separatists. Stressing on kinetic actions, the state has failed to realise that the Balochistan crisis is directly linked to the denial of democratic rights to the people. The province is in the throes of unrest while the regime is more interested in tightening its control. Any action through the proposed 28th amendment will further alienate the people.
Moreover, the worsening tension on the western frontiers will have a direct bearing on both KP and Balochistan, given their long borders with Afghanistan which serves as the main sanctuary for the terrorists. It is an extremely grave situation for the country and it is the state’s responsibility to unite the people and the federation, rather than alienate citizens through divisive policies and curbs on democratic rights. No country can defend its sovereignty while fighting its own people.
Political instability is not the only issue in the two provinces; the crisis of governance has also exacerbated in recent years. The IMF’s recently released Governance and Corruption Diagnostic Assessment has exposed how poor governance and rampant corruption have stunted the country’s economic growth, and how the lack of transparency, fragmented regulations and political capture are major impediments in the way of economic progress in Pakistan. The lending agency has also called for the military-backed SIFC to develop “enhanced transparency arrangements”. The review has come at a time when the regime is trying to further consolidate its control, thus adversely affecting governance.
It is time for the ruling set-up to heed these warning signs and bring the country together allowing the democratic process to advance. The recent constitutional amendments have already worsened the crisis of state.
The writer is an author and journalist.
X: @hidhussain
Published in Dawn, November 26th, 2025



